2026 年 06 月大学英语四级考试真题（第 3 套）

Junk-food lovers who try to cut back on fries or chocolate may experience symptoms similar to drug withdrawal, a new study suggests.

Researchers found that people attempting to cut down on eating highly processed foods experience some of the same __26__ and psychological symptoms—such as mood swings, anxiety, headaches and poor sleep—as those __27__ smoking cigarettes or using drugs, according to the study.

The new study __28__ the first evidence that these withdrawal-like symptoms can occur when people cut down on highly processed foods, said lead study author Erica Schulte.

Based on the participants' self-reported symptoms, withdrawal symptoms were __29__ more intense between the second and fifth days after attempting to reduce junk-food consumption, which __30__ the time span people live through during drug withdrawal.

The idea that food may be addictive after "heavy" use by some individuals is a __31__ subject, Schulte said. Although prior studies in animals and humans have shown some biological and behavioral similarities between substance-use disorders and addictive-like consumption of highly processed foods, no studies have looked at whether reducing junk food can __32__ withdrawal symptoms in people, she noted. Raising __33__ that people may experience irritability (烦躁) or headaches when cutting down on junk food can help individuals __34__ coping strategies in advance, Schulte noted. The findings may also __35__ light on the barriers people face when changing eating habits—barriers that may play a role in people dropping out of treatments, she said.

Disgust is a universal human emotion. One type of disgust is called physical disgust, which protects us from eating or touching things that could be dangerous for us, such as raw meat or insects. Children experience physical disgust from a very early age, but do not achieve an understanding of the concept until they are around four years old.

Some researchers maintain that there is another type of disgust, called moral disgust, that protects us from engaging in activities that can be perceived as morally wrong. Examples of moral disgust are stealing, lying or cheating.

However, not all academics think that moral disgust really exists. Some say that when we refer to disgust in relation to moral issues, we are using disgust as a metaphor (隐喻), and what we are feeling is in reality anger.

If moral disgust appears quite late in development, it makes sense to think that there is actually a social component to it. Children learn about emotions in many different ways. Of special relevance are parents-children conversations about emotions. Indeed, children whose parents talk about emotions often have a better emotional understanding than children whose parents do not discuss emotions often.

However, there are no studies that have examined how parents and children talk about disgust. This is what we set up to examine in our study.

We asked 68 English-speaking mothers and their four-, six- or eight-year-old children to discuss some stories about moral and physical disgust. Our preliminary findings show mothers and children do talk about disgust, but mainly about physical disgust and not so much about moral disgust.

When we asked mothers and children to discuss moral issues, such as whether it is OK to play with a child who has stolen someone else's snack, they linked this type of moral wrongdoing with the emotion of anger and not disgust.

Does this mean that moral disgust does not exist? Some researchers suggest moral disgust exists in adults. Our findings suggest that moral disgust is either understood at a later age or is only used metaphorically, if at all, in children as old as eight years.

After finding out details about a stranger, we mistakenly think that they also know about us. As a result, we act more honestly around them, according to a recent study in Nature.

Past research has found that we tend to assume social relationships are reciprocal (相互的). Most of the time, this assumption is accurate: someone you think of as a friend will usually consider you a friend too. But sometimes our social ties are more one-sided: for example, you might learn something about a stranger who doesn't know you at all. Researchers Anuj Shah and Michael LaForest wondered whether our tendency to believe that social ties are reciprocal could lead us to mistakenly feel that a stranger does actually know us.

In a series of lab-based studies, this is exactly what the researchers found. When we know about strangers, we erroneously think they also know about us. But the really interesting finding came when the researchers stepped out of the lab, to conduct a field experiment. The team developed leaflets (传单) containing fairly ordinary information about local community police officers, such as their favourite food, hobbies, or reasons for joining the police force. They then sent out these leaflets to every apartment in a number of housing developments in disadvantaged areas. The officers themselves also dropped off cards to local residents containing similar information.

Two months later, the researchers surveyed residents at these housing developments as well as control areas that did not receive leaflets or outreach cards. Residents were asked to imagine that they had committed a crime and how likely it would be that local officers would find out about it. They also rated how well the officers in the area knew them.

The team found that residents of the developments that had received the leaflets believed it more likely that local officers would find out about illegal activity than residents of the control areas. Even more strikingly, the team found that immediately after the leaflet distribution, there were fewer criminal complaints and arrests in the areas around the developments that had received the leaflets than around the control developments.