2020年07月六级第1套长篇阅读匹配原文翻译及答案

A) Until a few decades ago, scholars believed that young children know very little, if anything, about what others are thinking. Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget, who is credited with founding the scientific study of children's thinking, was convinced that preschool children cannot consider what goes on in the minds of others. The interviews and experiments he conducted with kids in the middle of the 20th century suggested that they were trapped in their subjective viewpoints, incapable of imagining what others think, feel or believe.

直到几十年前，学者们还认为幼儿对他人的想法知之甚少，甚至一无所知。瑞士心理学家让·皮亚杰被誉为儿童思维科学研究的奠基人，他深信学前儿童无法考虑他人头脑中发生的事情。他在20世纪中叶对孩子进行的访谈和实验表明，他们被困在自己的主观观点中，无法想象他人的想法、感受或信仰。

B) Much of the subsequent research on early childhood thinking was highly influenced by Piaget's ideas. Scholars sought to refine his theory and empirically confirm his views. But it became increasingly clear that Piaget seemed to have gravely underestimated the intellectual powers of very young kids before they can make themselves understood by speech. Researchers began to devise ever more ingenious ways of figuring out what goes on in the minds of babies, and the resulting picture of their abilities shows subtle variations. Consequently, the old view of children's egocentric (自我中心的) nature and intellectual weaknesses has increasingly fallen out of favor and become replaced by a more generous position that sees a budding sense not only of the physical world but also of other minds' even in the youngest young.

关于早期儿童思维的后续研究在很大程度上受到皮亚杰思想的影响。学者们试图完善他的理论，并通过实证确认他的观点。但越来越明显的是，皮亚杰似乎严重低估了幼儿在能够通过语言表达自己之前的能力。研究人员开始设计越来越巧妙的方法来探索婴儿的思维，结果展现出他们能力的微妙变化。因此，认为儿童具有自我中心本质和智力缺陷的旧观点逐渐失宠，被一种更宽容的立场取代，即认为即使在最年幼的孩子中，不仅对物理世界，而且对其他思维也存在萌芽的意识。

C) Historically, children didn't receive much respect for their mental powers. Piaget not only believed that children were "egocentric" in the sense that they were unable to differentiate between their own viewpoint and that of others; he was also convinced that their thinking was characterized by systematic errors and confusions. When playing with others, they don't cooperate because they do not realize there are different roles and perspectives. He was convinced that children literally cannot get their act together, instead of playing cooperatively and truly together, they play side by side, with little regard for others. And when speaking with others, a young child supposedly cannot consider the listener's viewpoint but talks to himself without listening to others.

历史上，儿童在智力方面没有受到太多尊重。皮亚杰不仅认为儿童是“自我中心的”，即他们无法区分自己的观点和他人的观点；他还深信他们的思维以系统性错误和混淆为特征。当与他人玩耍时，他们不合作，因为他们没有意识到存在不同的角色和视角。他确信孩子们根本无法协调一致，而不是合作地、真正地一起玩，他们并排玩，很少考虑他人。当与他人交谈时，幼儿据说无法考虑听者的观点，而是自言自语，不倾听他人。

D) Piaget and his followers maintained that children go through something like a dark age of intellectual development before slowly and gradually becoming enlightened by reason and rationality as they reach school age. Alongside this enlightenment develops an ever growing understanding of other persons, including their attitudes and views of the world.

皮亚杰及其追随者认为，儿童经历了一种类似智力发展黑暗时代的阶段，然后随着他们达到学龄，逐渐被理性和理性所启蒙。伴随着这种启蒙，对他人，包括他们的态度和世界观的理解也在不断增长。

E) Today, a very different picture of children's mental development emerges. Psychologists continually reveal new insights into the depth of young children's knowledge of the world, including their understanding of other minds. Recent studies suggest that even infants are sensitive to others' perspectives and beliefs.

如今，关于儿童心理发展的图景大不相同。心理学家不断揭示幼儿对世界知识的深度的新见解，包括他们对其他思维的理解。最近的研究表明，即使是婴儿也对他人的观点和信仰敏感。

F) Part of the motivation to revise some of Piaget's conclusions stemmed from an ideological shift about the origin of human knowledge that occurred in the second half of the 20th century. It became increasingly unpopular to assume that a basic understanding of the world can be built entirely from experience. This was in part prompted by theorist Noam Chomsky, who argued that something as complex as the rules of grammar cannot be picked up from exposure to speech, but is supplied by an inborn language faculty. "Others followed suit and defined further core areas" in which knowledge allegedly cannot be pieced together from experience but must be possessed at birth. One such area is our knowledge of others' minds. Some even argue that a basic knowledge of others' minds is not only possessed by human infants, but must be evolutionarily old and hence shared by our nearest living relatives, the great apes.

修订皮亚杰部分结论的动机部分源于20世纪下半叶关于人类知识起源的意识形态转变。假设对世界的基本理解可以完全从经验中建立起来变得越来越不受欢迎。这部分是由理论家诺姆·乔姆斯基推动的，他认为像语法规则这样复杂的东西不能从接触语言中获得，而是由天生的语言能力提供。“其他人效仿并定义了进一步的核心领域”，据称知识不能从经验中拼凑出来，但必须是天生具有的。其中一个领域是我们对他人思维的知识。有些人甚至认为，对他人思维的基本知识不仅为人类婴儿所拥有，而且在进化上必须是古老的，因此由我们现存的近亲大猩猩共享。

G) To prove that infants know more in this realm than had been acknowledged, researchers needed to come up with innovative ways of showing it. A big part of why we now recognize so much more of kids' intellectual capacities is the development of much more sensitive research tools than Piaget had at his disposal.

为了证明婴儿在这个领域的知识比之前承认的更多，研究人员需要提出创新的方法来展示它。我们现在认识到儿童智力能力如此之多，很大程度上是因为开发了比皮亚杰所掌握的更敏感的研究工具。

H) Instead of engaging babies in dialog or having them execute complex motor tasks, the newer methods capitalize on behaviors that have a firm place in infants' natural behavior repertoire: looking, listening, sucking, making facial expressions, gestures and simple manual actions. The idea of focusing on these "small behaviors" is that they give kids the chance to demonstrate their knowledge implicitly and spontaneously without having to respond to questions or instructions. For example, children might look longer at an event that they did not expect to happen, or they might show facial expressions indicating that they have sympathetic concern for others. When researchers measure these less demanding, and often involuntary, behaviors, they can detect a sensitivity to others' mental states at a much younger age than with the more taxing methods that Piaget and his followers deployed.

新方法不是让婴儿参与对话或执行复杂的运动任务，而是利用在婴儿自然行为库中稳固存在的行为：看、听、吸吮、做面部表情、手势和简单的手动动作。专注于这些“微小行为”的想法是，它们让孩子们有机会隐式和自发地展示他们的知识，而无需回应问题或指示。例如，孩子可能对未预期发生的事件注视更久，或者他们可能表现出面部表情，表明他们对他人有同情关怀。当研究人员测量这些要求较低、往往是无意识的行为时，他们可以在比皮亚杰及其追随者所采用的更费力方法更早的年龄检测到对他人心理状态的敏感性。

I) In the 1980s, these kinds of implicit measures became customary in developmental psychology. But it took a while longer before these tools were employed to measure children's grasp of the mental lives of others.

在20世纪80年代，这类隐式测量在发展心理学中变得习惯。但过了更长时间，这些工具才被用来测量儿童对他人心理生活的理解。

J) In a set of experiments, my colleagues at the University of Southern California and I found evidence that babies can even anticipate how others will feel when their expectations are disappointed. We acted out several puppet(木偶) shows in front of two-year-old children. In these puppet shows, a protagonist (Cookie Monster) left his precious belongings (cookies) on stage and later returned to fetch them. What the protagonist did not know was that an antagonist had come and messed with his possessions. The children had witnessed these acts and attentively watched the protagonist return. We recorded children's facial and bodily expressions. Children bit their lips, wrinkled their nose or wiggled (扭动) in their chair when the protagonist came back, as if they anticipated the bewilderment and disappointment he was about to experience. Importantly, children showed no such reactions and remained calm when the protagonist had seen the events himself and thus knew what to expect. Our study reveals that by the tender age of two, kids not only track what others believe or expect; they can even foresee how others will feel when they discover reality.

在一组实验中，我和南加州大学的同事发现证据表明，婴儿甚至能预见当他人期望落空时会有什么感受。我们在两岁儿童面前表演了几场木偶剧。在这些木偶剧中，主人公（饼干怪兽）把他珍贵的物品（饼干）留在舞台上，后来返回取它们。主人公不知道的是，一个反派角色来了并弄乱了他的物品。孩子们目睹了这些行为，并专注地观看主人公返回。我们记录了孩子们的面部和身体表情。当主人公回来时，孩子们咬嘴唇、皱鼻子或在椅子上扭动，仿佛他们预见到了他即将经历的困惑和失望。重要的是，当主人公自己看到了事件并知道该期待什么时，孩子们没有表现出这样的反应，保持平静。我们的研究表明，到两岁的幼龄，孩子们不仅追踪他人的信念或期望；他们甚至能预见当他人发现现实时会有什么感受。

K) Studies like this reveal that there is much more going on in small kids' and even infants' minds than was previously believed. With the explicit measures used by Piaget and successors, these deeper layers of kids' understanding cannot be accessed. The new investigative tools demonstrate that kids know more than they can say: when we scratch beneath the surface, we find an emerging understanding of relations and perspectives that Piaget probably did not dream of.

像这样的研究表明，幼儿甚至婴儿的思维中发生的事情比之前认为的要多得多。使用皮亚杰及其后继者的显式测量方法，无法触及儿童理解的这些更深层。新的研究工具表明，孩子们知道的比他们能说的多：当我们深入表面之下，我们会发现一种新兴的关系和视角理解，这可能是皮亚杰做梦也没想到的。

L) Despite these obvious advances in the study of young children's thinking, it would be a grave mistake to dismiss the careful and systematic analyses compiled by Piaget and others before the new tests dominated the scene because the original methods revealed essential facts about how children think that the new methods cannot uncover.

尽管在幼儿思维研究上取得了这些明显进展，但忽视在新测试主导场景之前皮亚杰等人精心编撰的谨慎和系统分析将是一个严重错误，因为原始方法揭示了儿童如何思考的基本事实，这些是新方法无法揭示的。

M) There's no consensus in today's science community about how much we can infer from a look, a facial expression or a hand gesture. These behaviors clearly indicate a curiosity about what goes on in the mind of others, and probably a set of early intuitions coupled with a willingness to learn more. They pave the way to richer and more explicit forms of understanding of the minds of others. But they can in no way replace the child's growing ability to articulate and refine her understanding of how people behave and why.

今天的科学界对于从一个眼神、面部表情或手势中能推断出多少没有共识。这些行为清楚地表明了对他人思维中发生的事情的好奇心，可能是一组早期直觉加上学习更多的意愿。它们为更丰富、更显式的他人思维理解形式铺平道路。但它们绝不能取代孩子日益增长的表达和细化她对人们行为及其原因理解的能力。