2018年06月六级第1套长篇阅读匹配原文翻译及答案

A) Parents of teenagers often view their children's friends with something like suspicion. They worry that the adolescent peer group has the power to push its members into behavior that is foolish and even dangerous. Such wariness is well founded: statistics show, for example, that a teenage driver with a same-age passenger in the car is at higher risk of a fatal crash than an adolescent driving alone or with an adult.

青少年的父母常常以一种近乎怀疑的态度看待他们孩子的朋友。他们担心，青少年同伴群体有力量推动其成员做出愚蠢甚至危险的行为。这种谨慎是有根据的：例如，统计数据显示，车上有同龄乘客的青少年司机发生致命车祸的风险，比单独驾驶或与成年人同行的青少年更高。

B) In a 2005 study, psychologist Laurence Steinberg of Temple University and his co-author, psychologist Margo Gardner, then at Temple, divided 306 people into three age groups: young adolescents, with a mean age of 14; older adolescents, with a mean age of 19; and adults, aged 24 and older. Subjects played a computerized driving game in which the player must avoid crashing into a wall that materializes, without warning, on the roadway. Steinberg and Gardner randomly assigned some participants to play alone or with two same-age peers looking on.

在2005年的一项研究中，天普大学的心理学家劳伦斯·斯坦伯格及其合著者，当时也在天普大学的心理学家玛戈·加德纳，将306人分为三个年龄组：平均年龄14岁的青少年；平均年龄19岁的较年长青少年；以及24岁及以上的成年人。受试者玩一个计算机驾驶游戏，玩家必须避免撞上突然出现在道路上的墙壁。斯坦伯格和加德纳随机分配一些参与者单独玩游戏或由两名同龄同伴观看。

C) Older adolescents scored about 50 percent higher on an index of risky driving when their peers were in the room—and the driving of early adolescents was fully twice as reckless when other young teens were around. In contrast, adults behaved in similar ways regardless of whether they were on their own or observed by others. "The presence of peers makes adolescents and youth, but not adults, more likely to take risks," Steinberg and Gardner concluded.

当同伴在房间内时，较年长青少年的风险驾驶指数得分高出约50%——而当其他青少年在场时，早期青少年的驾驶行为鲁莽程度完全翻倍。相比之下，成年人的行为方式类似，无论他们是否独自一人或被他人观察。斯坦伯格和加德纳总结道：“同伴的存在使青少年和年轻人更可能冒险，但成年人则不然。”

D) Yet in the years following the publication of this study, Steinberg began to believe that this interpretation did not capture the whole picture. As he and other researchers examined the question of why teens were more apt to take risks in the company of other teenagers, they came to suspect that a crowd's influence need not always be negative. Now some experts are proposing that we should take advantage of the teen brain's keen sensitivity to the presence of friends and leverage it to improve education.

然而，在这项研究发表后的几年里，斯坦伯格开始认为这种解释没有涵盖全貌。当他和其他研究人员探讨为什么青少年在同伴陪伴下更易冒险时，他们开始怀疑群体的影响未必总是负面的。现在，一些专家提出，我们应该利用青少年大脑对朋友存在的敏锐敏感性，并借助它来改善教育。

E) In a 2011 study, Steinberg and his colleagues turned to functional MRI (磁共振) to investigate how the presence of peers affects the activity in the adolescent brain. They scanned the brains of 40 teens and adults who were playing a virtual driving game designed to test whether players would brake at a yellow light or speed on through the crossroad.

在2011年的一项研究中，斯坦伯格及其同事使用功能性磁共振成像（fMRI）来调查同伴的存在如何影响青少年大脑的活动。他们扫描了40名青少年和成年人的大脑，这些人正在玩一个旨在测试玩家在黄灯时是否刹车或加速通过十字路口的虚拟驾驶游戏。

F) The brains of teenagers, but not adults, showed greater activity in two regions associated with rewards when they were being observed by same-age peers than when alone. In other words, rewards are more intense for teens when they are with peers, which motivates them to pursue higher-risk experiences that might bring a big payoff (such as the thrill of just making the light before it turns red). But Steinberg suspected this tendency could also have its advantages. In his latest experiment, published online in August, Steinberg and his colleagues used a computerized version of a card game called the Iowa Gambling Task to investigate how the presence of peers affects the way young people gather and apply information.

当青少年被同龄同伴观察时，其大脑中与奖励相关的两个区域比独自一人时表现出更高的活动度，而成年人则没有。换句话说，当青少年与同伴在一起时，奖励对他们来说更强烈，这激励他们追求可能带来巨大回报的高风险体验（例如，在红灯前刚好通过路口的刺激感）。但斯坦伯格怀疑这种倾向也可能有其优势。在他最新的一项于8月在线发表的实验中，斯坦伯格及其同事使用一个名为爱荷华赌博任务的纸牌游戏计算机版本，来调查同伴的存在如何影响年轻人收集和应用信息的方式。

G) The results: Teens who played the Iowa Gambling Task under the eyes of fellow adolescents engaged in more exploratory behavior, learned faster from both positive and negative outcomes, and achieved better performance on the task than those who played in solitude. "What our study suggests is that teenagers learn more quickly and more effectively when their peers are present than when they're on their own," Steinberg says. And this finding could have important implications for how we think about educating adolescents.

结果：在同伴注视下玩爱荷华赌博任务的青少年表现出更多的探索行为，从正面和负面结果中学习得更快，并且在任务中取得比独自玩耍的青少年更好的成绩。斯坦伯格说：“我们的研究表明，当同伴在场时，青少年学习得更快、更有效，比他们独自一人时。”这一发现可能对我们如何思考青少年教育具有重要意义。

H) Matthew D. Lieberman, a social cognitive neuroscientist at the University of California, Los Angeles, and author of the 2013 book Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect, suspects that the human brain is especially adept at learning socially salient information. He points to a classic 2004 study in which psychologists at Dartmouth College and Harvard University used functional MRI to track brain activity in 17 young men as they listened to descriptions of people while concentrating on either socially relevant cues (for example, trying to form an impression of a person based on the description) or more socially neutral information (such as noting the order of details in the description). The descriptions were the same in each condition, but people could better remember these statements when given a social motivation.

加州大学洛杉矶分校的社会认知神经科学家马修·D·利伯曼，也是2013年《社交：为什么我们的大脑天生倾向连接》一书的作者，推测人类大脑尤其擅长学习社会显著信息。他引用了一项2004年的经典研究，达特茅斯学院和哈佛大学的心理学家使用功能性磁共振成像追踪17名年轻男子的大脑活动，当他们听取人物描述时，专注于社会相关线索（例如，试图根据描述形成对一个人的印象）或更社会中立的信息（如注意描述中细节的顺序）。在每种条件下描述相同，但当有社会动机时，人们能更好地记住这些陈述。

I) The study also found that when subjects thought about and later recalled descriptions in terms of their informational content, regions associated with factual memory, such as the medial temporal lobe, became active. But thinking about or remembering descriptions in terms of their social meaning activated the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex—part of the brain's social network—even as traditional memory regions registered low levels of activity. More recently, as he reported in a 2012 review, Lieberman has discovered that this region may be part of a distinct network involved in socially motivated learning and memory. Such findings, he says, suggest that "this network can be called on to process and store the kind of information taught in school—potentially giving students access to a range of untapped mental powers."

研究还发现，当受试者从信息内容角度思考和后来回忆描述时，与事实记忆相关的区域（如内侧颞叶）变得活跃。但从社会意义角度思考或记住描述时，激活了背内侧前额叶皮层——大脑社交网络的一部分——即使传统记忆区域记录的活动水平较低。最近，正如他在2012年的一篇综述中报告的，利伯曼发现这个区域可能是一个独特的网络的一部分，涉及社会动机学习和记忆。他说，这些发现表明，“这个网络可以被调动来处理和存储学校所教的信息——可能让学生获得一系列未开发的心智能力。”

J) If humans are generally geared to recall details about one another, this pattern is probably even more powerful among teenagers who are very attentive to social details: who is in, who is out, who likes whom, who is mad at whom. Their penchant for social drama is not—or not only—a way of distracting themselves from their schoolwork or of driving adults crazy. It is actually a neurological(神经的) sensitivity, initiated by hormonal changes. Evolutionarily speaking, people in this age group are at a stage in which they can prepare to find a mate and start their own family while separating from parents and striking out on their own. To do this successfully, their brain prompts them to think and even obsess about others.

如果人类通常倾向于记住关于彼此的细节，那么在青少年中，这种模式可能更加强大，因为他们非常关注社交细节：谁得势、谁失势、谁喜欢谁、谁生谁的气。他们对社交戏剧的偏好不是——或不仅仅是——分散自己对学业的注意力或让成年人抓狂的方式。实际上，这是一种由激素变化引发的神经敏感性。从进化角度讲，这个年龄段的人处于一个阶段，他们可以在与父母分离并独立生活的同时，准备寻找伴侣并组建自己的家庭。为了成功做到这一点，他们的大脑促使他们思考甚至痴迷于他人。

K) Yet our schools focus primarily on students as individual entities. What would happen if educators instead took advantage of the fact that teens are powerfully compelled to think in social terms? In Social, Lieberman lays out a number of ways to do so. History and English could be presented through the lens of the psychological drives of the people involved. One could therefore present Napoleon in terms of his desire to impress or Churchill in terms of his lonely melancholy. Less inherently interpersonal subjects, such as math, could acquire a social aspect through team problem solving and peer tutoring. Research shows that when we absorb information in order to teach it to someone else, we learn it more accurately and deeply, perhaps in part because we are engaging our social cognition.

然而，我们的学校主要关注学生作为个体。如果教育者转而利用青少年强烈被迫以社交方式思考的事实，会发生什么？在《社交》中，利伯曼提出了几种方法。历史和英语可以通过涉及人物的心理动机来呈现。因此，可以用拿破仑渴望给人留下深刻印象的角度来介绍他，或用丘吉尔孤独忧郁的角度来介绍他。天生不那么人际关系的学科，如数学，可以通过团队问题解决和同伴辅导获得社交方面。研究表明，当我们为了教别人而吸收信息时，我们学得更准确、更深入，部分原因可能是因为我们使用了社交认知。

L) And although anxious parents may not welcome the notion, educators could turn adolescent recklessness to academic ends. "Risk taking in an educational context is a vital skill that enables progress and creativity," wrote Sarah-Jayne Blakemore, a cognitive neuroscientist at University College London, in a review published last year. Yet, she noted, many young people are especially risk averse at school—afraid that one low test score or mediocre grade could cost them a spot at a selective university. We should assure such students that risk, and even peer pressure, can be a good thing—as long as it happens in the classroom and not the car.

尽管焦虑的父母可能不欢迎这个想法，但教育者可以将青少年的鲁莽转化为学术目的。伦敦大学学院的认知神经科学家萨拉-杰恩·布莱克莫尔在去年发表的一篇综述中写道：“在教育环境中，冒险是一项至关重要的技能，它能够促进进步和创造力。”然而，她指出，许多年轻人在学校特别规避风险——担心一次低分或平庸的成绩可能会让他们失去进入顶尖大学的机会。我们应该向这些学生保证，风险甚至同伴压力可以是好事——只要它发生在教室里，而不是在车里。